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The poorest in the U.S. can’t find housing even as low-income units sit empty

PORTLAND, Ore. — Mathew Davis, a 49-year-old living in a homeless shelter in Austin, Texas, dreams of owning an apartment. With earnings from donating blood plasma, even a $450/month tiny home with communal facilities is out of reach.

The poorest in the U.S. can’t find housing even as low-income units sit empty

PORTLAND, Ore. — Mathew Davis, a 49-year-old living in a homeless shelter in Austin, Texas, dreams of owning an apartment. With earnings from donating blood plasma, even a $450/month tiny home with communal facilities is out of reach. Meanwhile, Austin has over 4,500 vacant affordable units—nearly 16% of its inventory—despite the city’s classification of these as low-cost housing. Davis, who lived in his car for a year before securing shelter, says, ‘I want to shut the door at night and sleep.’

The poorest Americans face severe housing shortages, with only about 4 million affordable rental units available for 11 million extremely low-income households. These households—comprising about a quarter of U.S. renters—include low-wage workers, seniors, and people with disabilities living on fixed incomes. Three-quarters of these households spend over half their income on rent and utilities, leaving little for other necessities.

A 2024 survey of state housing agencies reveals that most recently financed affordable housing targets renters earning 50% or more of an area’s median income (AMI). In Austin, this threshold is roughly $47,000 annually for a single person, compared to the $28,000 limit for extremely low-income individuals. As rents for these units approach market rates, some cities report rising vacancy rates—16% in Austin, 12% in Denver for 60% AMI units, and 21% for 80% AMI units. In Portland, 1,700 affordable units sit vacant, with rents nearing $1,444/month for 60% AMI households, close to the $1,581 average for market-rate apartments.

Experts argue that federal affordable housing programs, like the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC), are inefficient due to bureaucratic complexity. Chris Edwards, economist at the Cato Institute, criticizes the program’s administrative costs, which he claims drive up construction expenses. He suggests direct tenant subsidies via housing vouchers instead. While LIHTC-funded units are required to accept vouchers, market-rate landlords often lack this obligation, creating competition. True Ground Housing Partners in D.C. illustrates this: a 60% AMI unit yields $140/month profit after expenses, but an extremely low-income tenant would pay only half that rent. Developers like LDG in Austin face similar challenges, with lengthy approval processes for affordable housing compared to market-rate units, where applicants can be approved in minutes.

Austin’s goal of building 20,000 extremely low-income units by 2027 has only seen 543 completed by 2024, while all 15,000 units planned for 60–80% AMI households were built. Experts estimate only one-in-four eligible families receive housing vouchers, exacerbating the shortage. Meanwhile, Portland resident Jaiden Barbee, earning 55% of AMI, prefers market-rate apartments for their faster approvals, despite paying $200 more monthly.

The systemic issue stems from a funding gap: experts estimate only 25% of eligible families receive vouchers. Without subsidies, affordable housing for extremely low-income renters becomes economically unviable, leaving them with few options beyond homelessness or overburdened living conditions.

Source: NBC News

Distributed to Trade · Berlins Today by RedPress.

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